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Washington's Farewell Address of 1796 - full text as provided by
The
Avalon Project at the Yale Law School, which publishes many other
historical documents. In particular, note the warning in the
middle of the speech about the "danger of parties" as repeated in the
excerpt below, including the remarks about religion, morality, and
"public credit". Over 200 years later, these observations are
still very timely. |
| "I
have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with
particular reference to the founding of them on geographical
discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you
in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of
party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our
nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It
exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled,
controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen
in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party
dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the
most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads
at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and
miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek
security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner
or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more
fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes
of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. |
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Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless
ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual
mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest
and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils
and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with
ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one
part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It
opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a
facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of
party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another. |
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There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks
upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the
spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in
governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence,
if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular
character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be
encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always
be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being
constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public
opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest,
instead of warming, it should consume. |
| It
is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country
should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to
confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres,
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach
upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and
proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is
sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of
reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and
distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the
guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been
evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country
and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to
institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or
modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong,
let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the
Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation;
for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is
the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The
precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial
or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. |
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all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity,
religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great
pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to
respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their
connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked:
Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the
sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments
of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge
the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds
of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect
that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
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| It
is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of
popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to
every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can
look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
fabric?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as
the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is
essential that public opinion should be enlightened. |
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a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible,
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also
that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of
debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous
exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden
which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs
to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should
co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is
essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the
payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must
be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less
inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment,
inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a
choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a
spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the
public exigencies may at any time dictate." |
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